Dear fellow defenders & invited guests,

Please allow me to take this opportunity to thank the organizers of this conference, and the funders, for making it possible for us to be here.

I would also like to acknowledge and congratulate the human rights defenders who work in the Horn and East of Africa, for their good work, determination and bravery despite the repression and the risk involved in carrying out their duties.

I would like to say how unfortunate, that Eritrea is the only country in this conference that is not represented by a human rights defender from inside Eritrea.

I. The state of human rights in Eritrea
1. Background

Eritrea was an Italian colony from 1890 to 1941. When the British defeated the Italians in Africa, they took over Eritrea and administered it for 10 years. Following the decision by the UN, Eritrea was federated to Ethiopia in 1952, with certain amount of autonomy. However, during the federation with Ethiopia, the then Ethiopian government violated the rights given to Eritrea by the UN. Soon after the Eritrean parliament was dissolved, Eritrea was annexed and became the fourteenth province of Ethiopia in 1962.

In 1961, an armed struggle for independence began. Eritreans fought for thirty years, and in May 1991, the Eritrean People Liberation Front (EPLF) liberated Eritrea from the Ethiopian occupation. A provisional government was set up, and an internationally supervised referendum was carried out, and 99.8% of Eritreans voted for independence, and Eritrea became an independent state in May 1993.

1.1. Eritrea is the youngest nation in Africa that came about through a harsh struggle for independence. That struggle was basically to assert the collective human rights of Eritreans, to maintain their identity, and live as free human beings.

1.2. To assert its rights to self determination, to acquire a statehood so that its people could enjoy their basic rights and freedoms, such as:
• Freedom of expression
• Freedom of assembly
• Freedom from torture, inhuman and degrading treatment.
• Freedom from want, disease, ignorance and fear.
• In short, to enjoy their full civil and political rights, as well as their economic, social and cultural rights.

II. Independence did not however, confer rights on the Eritrean people
1. It did not take much time for the promise, the dream, and longing for freedom of an entire population to slowly fade.
2. As an entire populations’ dream and longing for the exercise of their human rights depended on the good will of the very few.
3. The few to give or take; the few to allow or prevent. The signs were clear, though they manifested themselves in different ways, at different times.

III. Hope was always there, however
1. There were, on the other hand, some signs of hope.
2. The country was extremely peaceful.
3. Local elections were held
4. A constitution was drafted.

IV. The constitution was drafted with the active engagement of the population

1. But it took long, from April 1994 to May 1997.
2. Extensive meetings with the population were held throughout the country.
3. Most Eritreans in Diaspora also had the chance to participate.
4. The constitution was adopted by a constituent Assembly.
5. The Commission that drafted the constitution was composed of 50% women.

V. The constitution safeguarded the human rights of citizens
Chapter III of Eritrea’s constitution, concerned with human rights, contains all the human rights articles articulated in international human rights conventions, for example;

> Equality under the law (Article 14),
> Right to life and liberty (Article 15),
> Right to Human dignity (Article 16),
> Arrest, Detention and Fair trial (Article 17),
> Right to privacy (Article 18),
> Freedom of Conscience, Religion, Expression of opinion, freedom of Movement, Freedom of Assembly and organization (Article 19),
> Right to vote and to be a candidate to an elective office (Article 20),
> Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and responsibilities (Article 21),
> Right to Family (Article 22),
> Right to Property (Article 23),
> Administrative redress (Article 24),
> Duties of citizens (Article 25),
> Limitation on fundamental rights and freedoms (Article 26),
> State of Emergency (Article 27),
> Enforcement of Fundamental rights and Freedoms (Article 28),
> Residual Rights (Article 29).

VI. Following the ratification of the constitution in May 1997, the government of Eritrea immediately started to undermine its implementation. This was made worst by the fresh war that erupted with Ethiopia in May 1998.
1. The constitution was forgotten.
2. Its implementation became history, and
3. All the rights guaranteed in the constitution became only words.

VII. Worse was to follow
1. Many Eritreans did not understand nor welcome the war, though initially they showed solidarity with the government.
2. Soon, however, people started to question the wisdom of waging war with neighbors, i.e. directly with Yemen, Ethiopia, and indirectly with Sudan.
3. Senior government officials spoke out against the war, the handling of the war, and questioned the wisdom of the President.
4. The President struck back by detaining his colleagues in government, arresting journalists, elders, students, etc.

VIII. Human Rights issues in Eritrea
1. The state of human rights in Eritrea became glaringly fragile.
2. A small group of people, lead by the President became increasingly intolerant of anything that they consider opposition, or non-supportive general behavior.
3. It also became clear that there have been gross violations of human rights, long before the 1998 war with Ethiopia.
4. Due to the indefinite military service obligations imposed on peace loving Eritreans, and the inhumane treatment perpetrated by the government of Eritrea, many citizens, especially the youth could not see any future in Eritrea. So many of them left the country and went to seek refuge in the neighboring countries. Some perished trying to cross the Sahara desert, others drowned in the Mediterranean Sea while trying to reach Italy, and other European countries. Many have been detained, imprisoned and tortured in different countries.

IX. Many categories of Eritrean people imprisoned
• Arrest of Politicians

Eleven former senior Eritrean government officials were arrested on the 18th & 19th September 2001. Their whereabouts is still unknown up to now. They are known to be part of a group of 15. Their only crime is for publicly criticizing the government’s policies. Many others also have been detained incommunicado for criticizing the government or for supporting the senior government officials’ call for reform.

• Arrest of Journalists

Since Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia, neither the concept of press freedom nor the reality of a free press has been realized. In September 2001, the government closed down all the independent newspapers, and arrested several journalists. While the 1996 press laws allow private newspapers and magazines to be published, the Eritrean government does not tolerate independent thinking.
• Arrest of Students

In July 2001, the Committee of Asmara University Students voiced their dissatisfaction to the illegal directives from the Ministry of Education, forcing the students to participate in some government’s summer projects. The government response was to arrest over 2000 students, torturing them, resulting in sever mental and physical injuries to many students including the death of two students. The government later-on agreed to pay the students 800 Nakfa each, but the students had to pay for accommodation, food, transport and other daily expenses, living them with absolutely nothing to save for purchasing clothes, books, etc. This government initiative of forced free labour, or cheap labour was against the students human rights.

• Arrest of Members of certain religious sects
1. Jehovah witnesses were stripped of their basic civic rights in 1994 for refusing to take part in the military training. Military Service is compulsory in Eritrea. According to Amnesty International report, Jehovah Witnesses have been detained incommunicado by the Eritrean army over the last ten years because of their faith-based refusal of military service. The government does not recognize the right to conscientious objection;
2. Many Muslim Eritreans have been falsely accused of being members of Muslim fundamentalist groups. They have been detained, tortured and some disappeared;
3. 36 Eritrean Pentecostals and Evangelical Churches have been closed since May 2002, and many followers of these churches and their leaders have been detained incommunicado, and tortured.
4. Mekane Hiwet Medhanialem Orthodox church was closed early this year, and the leaders of the church have been imprisoned. Abune Antonios (the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church of Eritrea) has been stripped of his Patriarchal authority for refusing to close a church, and for asking the President regarding the imprisonment of three Priests who were leaders of the closed church.
X. Human Rights Defenders operating inside Eritrea?

1. One cannot speak of Human Rights Defenders in Eritrea, as they are not allowed to operate from within Eritrea.
2. There is no single human rights organization inside the country.
3. The one that tried to organize itself and started operating in 1992 “Regional Centre for Human Rights and Development” was closed down after a year.
4. Since then, there has not been an effort, nor would permission be given to have an organized human rights group, nor would citizens be allowed to monitor and report on the human rights situation in Eritrea from within.
5. Therefore, we cannot speak of human rights defenders working inside Eritrea. They simply are not allowed to exist.

XI. The complete absence of civil society organizations in Eritrea
1. Civil society organizations that are independent of the state do not exist in Eritrea.
2. Those that exist have been so much undermined, threatened, harassed, that they have decided to be very quite and their existence unknown to the average Eritrean.
3. In name, there are teachers unions, nurses associations, etc. But, no meetings, no activities, no profile, etc. Those that exist are government sponsored and attached to the governing party, PFDJ. The following examples are all party affiliated organizations; their senior leadership also are senior leaders in the party:
• National Union of Eritrean Women
• National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students
• Confederation of Eritrean Workers.

4. Therefore, one cannot talk about human rights defenders in Eritrea, even as individuals in Eritrea, let alone as organized bodies. Individuals would disappear mercilessly. For example, three Trade Union Leaders were arrested at the office of the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers in Asmara in March 2005, and they are reportedly held incommunicado. The fear created by these arrests and disappearances, together with the cruelty and lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of family members is difficult for those who are close to them and to the population in general.

XII. Eritrean human rights defenders are forced to organize outside of the country
Absolute lack of space for any genuine civil society organization to operate, including human rights organizations, has forced Eritreans in Diaspora to organize themselves abroad. Examples will include;

• Eritreans for Human and Democratic Rights in the United Kingdom
(EHDR-UK), www.ehdr.org.uk
• Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR) –South Africa. www.emdhr.org
• Coordinating Committee For Eritrean Democrats – Italy
• Eritreans For Peace and Democracy – Suisse (EFDP-CH) - Switzerland
• Eritrean Unity Movement – Norway :
• Eritreans Human Rights E.V. – Germany
• Eritreans for Peace – Germany
• Eritreans for Justice and Democracy – Benelux (EJDB)
• Popular Movement for Democracy in Eritrean (PMDE) – Sweden
• Snit Selam- Germany
• Release Eritrea (Evangelical Church organization, defending church members in Eritrea) – Diaspora group. www.release-eritrea.org.uk
• Eritrean Community for Human Rights and Refugee Protection - USA.
• Human Rights Concern - Eritrea (HRCE) - UK

More or less, the principal mission of all the above mentioned civil society organizations operating from outside Eritrea, and others that are not mentioned, is to promote and defend human and democratic rights of all Eritrean citizens inside and outside Eritrea.

Being divorced from the actual reality, though forced to, their effectiveness is not as it would have been, if they were allowed to operate from inside Eritrea. With all their problems and limitations, Eritrean human rights defenders can provide, and are providing a good service. They monitor and inform the international community. They defend the rights of Eritrean people inside Eritrea from outside.

I trust that this conference will give me the opportunity to learn about a whole range of human rights activism, and will also help me make links and forge working relationship with others. The impossibility of working from within my country in human rights issues makes it necessary for me to work with other groups and individuals, to learn from other peoples’ experiences, and seek assistance and cooperation.

Recommendations:
1. We must work together to create linkages and networking opportunities.

2. I urge all human rights defenders to be aware of the Eritrean Human Rights situations. I, in the principle, and in solidarity, would like to be fully aware of the human rights situations in your countries.

3. I also ask those who can, to please help train Eritreans living in the Horn and East Africa (Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Somalia and Djibouti) in human rights concepts, principles and practices. Furthermore, we will need help in promoting human rights awareness among Eritreans, and perhaps, if possible to organize similar conference to build the capacity of Human Rights defenders in diaspora.

4. Please also, help Eritrean asylum seekers and refugees in your countries, to obtain protection of their refugee rights. Those who want to be Human rights defenders, please bring them in to your own work, and empower them to become human rights monitors, defenders, etc.

5. The violation of human rights outside of Eritrea has also been an issue to Eritrean citizens, i.e. refusal of rights to refugee status and deportations back to Eritrea, i.e. from Malta, Libya, etc. This issue needs to be addressed, and I urge the bigger and well-established defenders of human rights, the likes of UNHCR, AI, HRW, etc. together with other regional and international human rights organizations, to please monitor this area of work, and offer immediate assistance where possible.

6. I will be very happy to make contacts of your diaspora support groups in order to collaborate, support each other and defend human rights in the region.

7. In most of the Horn and East African countries there has been arm conflicts and political unrest. It is normal that we can be influenced by what is going on around us. However, as human rights defenders we may need to separate politics from human rights issues, and should expose human rights violations by whoever is committed.

8. The boarder conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia has been a hindrance to peace and stability in the region. There is now a fear for renewed conflict due to Ethiopia’s refusal to accept the border ruling by an independent commission. The Eritrean President may also take the country to war out of frustration, to avoid reform and to divert attention from domestic problems. As in the past it is the vulnerable people of the two countries who would suffer from the consequences of the war. Therefore, I urge the human rights defenders in the region to assist Eritreans who would need protection.